Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice personally intervened by writing a letter to Congress members urging them to accommodate India's concerns about the conditions sought to be imposed on it.
The Bush administration's pressure was strongly backed by lobbying on the part of the rich Indo-American community and by U. Ramana, a physicist and nuclear affairs analyst formerly with Princeton University, and now attached to the Center for Interdisciplinary Studies in Environment and Development, Bangalore.
Former senior officials of India's Department of Atomic Energy are scheduled to meet next week to discuss the new Act and its implications. It has welcomed its "outcome," but "noted" that it "contains certain extraneous and prescriptive provisions. New Delhi hopes that the Bush administration will further weaken the Act's restrictive clauses when it later signs a bilateral agreement to amend a Section number of the U.
The deal makes a unique exception for India, an NPT non-signatory, which conducted five nuclear weapons test in The exception will change the global nonproliferation-based nuclear order, and there have been protests from others who seek entry into the world's exclusive "nuclear club.
Ahead of the Act's passage criticism was heard in Congress that the deal could harm efforts to halt Iran's nuclear weapons program and be perceived as maintaining double standards — one for countries like Iran and another for India. It cannot be linked either with North Korea's nuclear test or Iran's nuclear policy," India's foreign minister Pranab Mukherjee was compelled to explain in Parliament on Thursday.
Pakistan, India's arch-rival on the subcontinent, after being snubbed by the U. In return for the special treatment it has just received, India will put 14 of its 22 nuclear power reactors operating and under construction under IAEA safeguards inspections.
Yet, India can continue to produce fuel for nuclear weapons in its non-safeguarded facilities. On the other hand, the Act passed by Congress adds a number of riders both on the extent of civilian nuclear cooperation, and the conditions under which it can take place. It also seeks to influence India's foreign policy conduct in areas unrelated to nuclear matters, for instance, in India's relations with Iran.
This will be seen as undue "interference" in India's sovereignty. It is an honourable deal, the Cabinet has approved it, we cannot go back on it.
On August 18, the CPM Politburo declared that until all the objections are considered and the implications of the Hyde Act evaluated, the government should not take the next step with regard to negotiating a safeguards agreement with the International Atomic Energy Agency IAEA. Both sides, however, agreed to give talks one last chance to prevent the fall of the government and early elections. A series of negotiations and political sniping followed, even as the government held negotiations with the IAEA for an India-specific safeguards agreement.
In November, at the sixth meeting of the UPA-Left Committee, it was decided that talks would be held with the IAEA secretariat for working out the text of the safeguards agreement, and the outcome of the negotiations would be placed before the Committee before proceeding further.
And on June 18, the Left parties told the government not to proceed to seek approval of the text of the India-specific safeguards agreement from the IAEA Board of Governors. In the absence of the text, they said they had not been able to form any opinion. The Left leaders argued that once the safeguards agreement was completed, the nuclear deal would be on auto pilot.
He said the Government was not afraid of facing Parliament if the Left parties withdrew support. Click here to join our channel indianexpress and stay updated with the latest headlines. Manoj C.
He writes on politics. Actions, which will, in effect, in a de facto sense, have India agreeing to the same measures that most of the NPT states have agreed to. While the joint statement and related press releases list a wide range of responsibilities and actions, three essential ones were:. India would move to separate civilian and military nuclear facilities. India would refrain from transfer of enrichment and reprocessing technologies to states that do not have them and supporting international efforts to limit their spread.
The US, for its part, would work toward full civil nuclear cooperation with India, including granting India a waiver from the Nuclear Suppliers Group NSG , which would allow members to trade nuclear material with India even though it was not a part of the NPT.
As part of the earlier sanctions, India had been isolated from the NSG. Before that, on 25, September , Singh visited Washington and addressed Bush on the imminent completion of the deal.
We have not been able to trade in nuclear material, nuclear reactors, nuclear raw materials. And when this restrictive regime ends, I think a great deal of credit will go to president Bush.
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